Jews Who Rescued or Aided Jews in Budapest

Braham 1981:

“The Rescue Activities of the Hehalutz Youth. In contrast to the positions taken by the Central Jewish Council (see Chapter 14) and the Vaada, the members of the young Zionist pioneers (and there were only a few hundred of them) took militant action for the rescuing of Jews. By doing so they were responsible for what were by far the brightest hours in the tragic wartime history of Hungarian Jewry. They never engaged in open combat and they failed to sabotage any of the many rail lines leading to Auschwitz (they did not have this kind of power), but their heroic rescue operations can clearly be classified as acts of resistance.’’ (1319)

“The movement was under the leadership of young Zionists belonging primarily to the Hashomer Hatzair and Dror groups. The dominant role in the movement was played by young Polish and Slovak refugees who came to Hungary in 1942-1944. Among these were Neshka and Zvi Goldfarb of Poland, and Rafi (Friedl) Ben-Shalom and Peretz Revesz of Slovakia. 247 These were soon joined by a number of equally brave young Hungarian Halutzim, who distinguished themselves during the underground struggle. Special mention must be made of the heroic activities of David (Gur) Grosz, Sandor (Alexander; Ben Eretz) Grosszmann, Yitzhak (Mimish) Horvath, Jozsef Mayer, Moshe (Alpan) Pil, Moshe Rosenberg, and Efra (Agmon) Teichmann.’’ 248

“With approximately 500 members in Budapest, the leaders of the Hehalutz concentrated their attention on rescuing individuals, mostly their comrades and Zionist sympathizers; they had become convinced that there was no hope for the Jewish masses. 249 The nature and scope of their activities varied with the changing situation. Before the occupation, the Hehalutz was primarily engaged in the rescue and "legalization" of refugees. They provided these refugees with the necessary-mostly Aryan-identification papers, and rescued a number of Jews from Polish, Slovak, and other camps. In this rescue campaign they worked closely with the Vaada, especially its Tiyul section.’’ 250

“Cooperation between the Hehalutz leaders and the Hungarian Jewish establishment and Zionist leaders was not always smooth or easy. The Slovak and Polish Hehalutz and refugee leaders were particularly scornful about the official leadership of Hungarian Jewry. Their assessment was largely shared by Gisi Fleischmann and other leaders of the Bratislava Vaada. Ben-Shalom identified Hungarian Jewry "as a particularly ugly lot" that did not want to know anything about events in the neighboring countries, although he and his fellow refugees were doing everything possible to enlighten them.’’ 251

“The Hehalutz youth as a whole did not get along with the Hungarian Zionist establishment either. Ideological differences were compounded by generational conflicts. The older, traditional leaders of the weak Hungarian Zionist movement (the so-called Vatikim) resented what they perceived as the intrusion, impatience, and militancy of the younger pioneers. The latter, in turn, became increasingly and ever more vocally scornful of the establishment leaders’ complacency and (1320) bureaucratic tendencies. While they questioned some aspects of the Vaada leadership, their ire was directed especially against Krausz, the Mizrachi leader, for his allegedly improper and incompetent administration of the Palestine Office. 252 The dispute erupted into open conflict during the Nyilas era (see below).’’

“Just before the occupation, the Hashomer Hatzair group decided to have all its members " aryanized" in order to assure their freedom of movement. While extremely risky, this enabled them to carry out their rescue operations more effectively. Under the leadership of Moshe Rosenberg they also established a Hagana Committee (composed of Pil, Menachem (Meno) Klein, Leon Blatt, and Dov Avramcsik) which, however, was short-lived.’’

“The German occupation of Hungary caught most of the Halutzim off guard. Their immediate concern was to assure, first and foremost, their own and their families’ safety. Because of the speed with which the anti-Jewish measures had been enacted in the countryside and the weaknesses of the Zionist movement there, the young Halutzim decided to focus on their rescue activities in Budapest. During the first phase of the occupation, the Hehalutz concentrated its attention on the production and distribution of forged Aryan identification papers-including even Gestapo, SS, and Nyilas membership cards. 253 For reasons of security, the leaders in charge of this aspect of the underground operations, including Dan Zimmermann, Sraga Weil, Grosz, and Teichmann, had to shift their headquarters at great risk to themselves. They naturally never wore the Yellow Star badge, which to their great consternation caused some establishment Jewish leaders to accuse them of trying to extricate themselves from the common lot. Presumably unaware of the ominous implications of the badge, some among the latter were in fact urging their fellow Jews to wear the Yellow Star in proud defiance.’’ 254

“Another important aspect of the Hehalutz work during this period was the organization of small groups of young men and women, mostly followers of one or another Zionist organization, for the smuggling of Jews into Romania and Slovakia, where the anti-Jewish drive at the time was at a standstill. Among those most active in the smuggling of Jews into Romania were As her Aranyi and Hannah Ganz (Grtinfeld), members of Dror-Habonim movement. According to their postwar accounts, they were unable to persuade the establishment leaders of the Jewish (1321) communities they bad contacted in Northern Transylvania about the seriousness of the situation. Nevertheless, they managed to distribute a number of forged documents and smuggle a number of Jews across the Romanian border, including Rabbi Mozes Weinberger, the Chief Rabbi of the small Neolog community of Kolozsvar. 255 A few groups of Jews were also smuggled into Tito's Yugoslavia. After the capture of one of their comrades (Avri Lisszauer), this route was de-emphasized, especially since the Vaada leaders had protested that its use was a threat to their negotiations with the Germans.’’ 256

“Interestingly, while the Hehalutz leaders questioned some of the activities of the Vaada, they too failed to engage in the large-scale distribution of the Auschwitz Reports, which might have had a greater impact on the provincial Jewish leaders and masses than the warnings by the young Zionist emissaries. 257 Moreover, in spite of their conflicts with the Vaada, the Hehalutz leaders tried to make sure that as many of their own followers as possible were included in the Kasztner group. And in fact on the night of June 30, when the transport left Budapest, a large number of the Halutzim managed to "illegally" climb onto the train.’’

“Much of the illegal work of the Hehalutz was directed from the headquarters of the Central Jewish Council, where the masses of people seeking help or inclusion in the Kasztner group gave them cover and allowed them to operate unobtrusively. Some of their comrades, including Jeno Kolb and Yehuda Weisz, who were associated with the Council's Information Section, had given them forged Council certificates through which a number of Jews were brought to Budapest from the provincial ghettos. Also active toward this end was the so-called Provincial Department (Videki Osztaly) of the Council, which was headed by senior Zionists, including Lajos Gottesman of the Betar and Moshe Rosenberg of the Hashomer Hatzair movements. In the relative calm that returned to Council headquarters following the departure of the Kasztner group and the subsequent halting of the deportations, a conflict erupted between the official leaders and the Hehalutz. The latter's operations had become more and more conspicuous, causing considerable consternation among the establishment leaders. Particularly vitriolic was the reaction of the leaders of the Jewish Combatants' League (Zsido Frontharcos Szovetseg), many of whose members had enjoyed exemption from the anti-Jewish laws. The Hehalutz leaders, following (1322) a heated altercation that even led to violence, moved out of the Council headquarters and continued to conduct their affairs from various public parks.’’ 258

“After the Swiss-sponsored Glass House was established late in July, the Hehalutz gradually shifted their headquarters there. The Hehalutz leaders became staff members of the Glass House with considerable privileges, including virtual immunity. They exploited this haven to continue their " illegal" rescue operations-the organization of Tiyul groups as well as the production of forged documents, especially Swiss protective passes. This led to a conflict with the official Zionist leaders of the Glass House, above all Krausz and Arthur Weisz, the owner and chief administrator of the building. 259 The latter were eager not only to safeguard the emigration scheme for which the Glass House operation was launched in the first place, but also to scrupulously uphold all the conditions under which the Swiss bad agreed to cooperate. They were also concerned about their own welfare after Magyar Szo (Hungarian Word) published an expose on the Glass House. The dispute became so intense that on September 5, Krausz and Weisz allegedly threatened to call the police to forcibly evict Pil and Teichmann. A similar incident involved Rafi Ben-Shalom on October 15.’’ 260

“Although the relationship between Krausz and the Hehalutz leaders remained tense, the latter continued to use the Glass House as the center of their operations. The relationship worsened after the Nyilas coup, when the Glass House became the refuge of close to 2,000 Jews. 261 To some extent, this was because the crowds that milled around daily included informers and occasionally even detectives, whose activities contributed to the misunderstanding and tension between the Jewish groups.’’

“During the Nyilas era, the Hehalutz stepped up their daring efforts. Some of the young pioneers managed to acquire guns by taking advantage of the chaotic conditions on the day of the coup. Others, especially those associated with the Dror, led by Goldfarb and other Polish refugees, 262 built bunkers in various parts of the capital. Seven or eight bunkers were built; there is no information as to the number of Jews who were actually saved in them. The one built on Hungaria Boulevard was discovered by the Nyilas and in an exchange of fire there were casualties on both sides.’’ (1323)

“The production and distribution of forged papers took on a new dimension. In addition to continuing the forging of Aryan papers, the Hehalutz intensified the mass production of protective passes (Vedolevelek; Schutzpässe) and related documents that were issued by the representatives of the Vatican and the neutral states; especially valuable were copies of papers issued by the Swiss and Swedish authorities (Figures 29.4-29.11). They also reproduced all the stamps and seals used by these authorities as well as those used by the Hungarians and the Germans. (One of the stamps inadvertently led to the arrest of a number of people because it misspelled the word " Suisse" as " Susse.")

“Perhaps the most heroic actions undertaken by the Hehalutz involved the rescue of Jews from the hands of the Nyilas. Dressed in the uniforms of the Nyilas, Honved, Levente, KISKA (Kisegito Katonai Alakulat; Auxiliary Military Unit), and even of the SS, and in possession of guns and automatic weapons as well as all the appropriate orders and documents, they rescued Jews from the locked Yellow-Star houses, internment camps, and the Óbuda brickyard. They also snatched condemned Jews from prisons and even from columns being driven by the Nyilas gangs for execution along the banks of the Danube. It was in this manner that Goldfarb and Grosz were themselves rescued after their capture in December.’’

“In cooperation with the International Red Cross (especially Komoly's Department A, with which some of the members were directly associated), the Halutzim also undertook to help supply food to the many children' s homes, to the so-called "protected houses," and to the ghetto, and to protect the warehouses with food stockpiles. One of the largest of these warehouses was in the Swiss building at 17 Wekerle Sandor Street, which was under the command of Sandor Groszman. 263 The Halutzim had used the buildings assigned to Department A as additional centers of operation. Many of their activities were helped by the mutually rewarding contacts they bad established with several Hungarian officials eager to acquire alibis just before the end of the war. Among these were Andras Szentandrassy, the commander of the camp at the Óbuda brickyard, and Captain Laszlo (Leo) Lulay, Ferenczy's deputy. Contact with the latter was occasionally maintained through Vera Gorog, the daughter of Frigyes Gorog, who was then associated with the International Red Cross.’’ 264 (1332)

“During the Soviet siege of the capital, Nyilas gangs tried a number of times to invade the Glass House in search of food and in pursuit of their murderous aims. Sometimes they were talked into leaving peacefully; at other times, however, they shot into the crowds within the courtyard. In one of these forays they killed four Jews, including the mother of Sandor Scheiber, the postwar head of the National Rabbinical Institute. Among the Vadasz Street victims were also Arthur Weisz, who was taken away through a ruse by First Lieutenant Pal Fabry and never returned, and Simcha Hunwald (alias Janos Klihne) who was shot on January 6, 1945. 265 In pursuit of their objectives, the Hehalutz members also maintained contact with the small and loosely organized non-Jewish resistance organizations. The Hehalutz provided these organizations with whatever identification papers they requested; they in tum provided the Hehalutz members with arms and occasional shelter. Among the units with which the Hehalutz cooperated was a POW group headed by a Dutch officer named Van der Walles (or Van-der-Vas) which consisted primarily of Dutch and British officers who bad escaped from German camps. (It was through this group that the Hehalutz rescued Joel Nussbecher.) It also maintained contact with a communist underground group headed by Pal Demeny, and with some anti-German military and bourgeois groups represented by First Lieutenant Ivan Kadar and an officer named Fabry, respectively. 266 Unfortunately the non-Jewish resistance organizations were not very effective; this was a major factor that limited the scope and character of the Hehalutz operations as well. Another negative factor was the passivity of the general population, which in tum was largely influenced by the attitude of the Christian churches.’’ 267

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), pp. 1318-1332, Lévai, Jenö. Grey Book on the Rescuing of Hungarian Jews. Budapest: Officina, 1946, Lévai, Jenö. Black Book on the Martyrdom of Hungarian Jewry Central European Times Publishing, 1948.

Dr. Dezso Acel, the ghetto's chief physician

Braham 1981:

“Among the most prominent of the physicians active in the ghetto, in addition to the surgical team cited above, were Drs. Dezso Acel, the ghetto's chief physician, Jeno Barsony, Zoltan Barta, Laszlo Benedek, Glancz, Ferenc Groszman, Lajos Levy, Nemet, and Hugo Richter. Drs. Acel and Barta were killed shortly after the liberation during a grenade attack that hit the hospital. Among the nurses and administrative personnel special mention must be made of Magda Clausius, Ibi Gal, Ilonka Grungold, Vera Kolchner, Mrs. Samu Lowenstein, and Mrs. Tibor Reiner.’’

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1181, Lévai, Jenö. Grey Book on the Rescuing of Hungarian Jews. Budapest: Officina, 1946, Lévai, Jenö. Black Book on the Martyrdom of Hungarian Jewry. (Central European Times Publishing, 1948.

Dov Avramcsik, Zionist Youth, Hagana Committee

Braham, 1948 p. 1319:

“The members of the young Zionist took militant action for the rescuing of Jews. By doing so they were responsible for what were by far the brightest hours in the tragic wartime history of Hungarian Jewry. Their heroic rescue operations can clearly be classified as acts of resistance.’’ (1319)

“The movement was under the leadership of young Zionists belonging primarily to the Hashomer Hatzair and Dror groups. The dominant role in the movement was played by young Polish and Slovak refugees who came to Hungary in 1942-1944. Among these were Neshka and Zvi Goldfarb of Poland, and Rafi (Friedl) Ben-Shalom and Peretz Revesz of Slovakia. These were soon joined by a number of equally brave young Hungarian Halutzim, who distinguished themselves during the underground struggle. Special mention must be made of the heroic activities of David (Gur) Grosz, Sandor (Alexander; Ben Eretz) Grosszmann, Yitzhak (Mimish) Horvath, Jozsef Mayer, Moshe (Alpan) Pil, Moshe Rosenberg, and Efra (Agmon) Teichmann.’’

“With approximately 500 members in Budapest, the leaders of the Hehalutz concentrated their attention on rescuing individuals, mostly their comrades and Zionist sympathizers; they had become convinced that there was no hope for the Jewish masses. The nature and scope of their activities varied with the changing situation. Before the occupation, the Hehalutz was primarily engaged in the rescue and "legalization" of refugees. They provided these refugees with the necessary-mostly Aryan-identification papers, and rescued a number of Jews from Polish, Slovak, and other camps. In this rescue campaign they worked closely with the Vaada, especially its Tiyul section.’’

[…]

“Just before the occupation, the Hashomer Hatzair group decided to have all its members " aryanized" in order to assure their freedom of movement. While extremely risky, this enabled them to carry out their rescue operations more effectively. Under the leadership of Moshe Rosenberg they also established a Hagana Committee (composed of Pil, Menachem (Meno) Klein, Leon Blatt, and Dov Avramcsik) which, however, was short-lived.’’

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1319.

Joel Brand, Yishuv Turkey

Joel Brand was a representative of the Yishuv in Turkey in 1944-1945.

[Levai, Eugene (Jeno), Black Book on the Martyrdom of Hungarian Jewry (Zurich: The Central European Times, 1948), p., Lévai, Jenö. Grey Book on the Rescuing of Hungarian Jews. Budapest: Officina, 1946, Morse, Arthur D. While Six Million Died: A Chronicle of American Apathy. (New York: Random House, 1967), pp. 353-358, 361, 371. Penkower, Monty Noam. The Jews Were Expendable: Free World diplomacy and the Holocaust. (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1983), pp. 168, 185-188, 194, 214, 269, 345n.52. Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), pp. 107, 429-430, 693, 933, 934-935, 941-951, 971, 977, 1015, 1104-1109.]

Dr. Jeno Barsony

Braham 1981:

‘’Among the most prominent of the physicians active in the ghetto, in addition to the surgical team cited above, were Drs. Dezso Acel, the ghetto's chief physician, Jeno Barsony, Zoltan Barta, Laszlo Benedek, Glancz, Ferenc Groszman, Lajos Levy, Nemet, and Hugo Richter. Drs. Acel and Barta were killed shortly after the liberation during a grenade attack that hit the hospital. Among the nurses and administrative personnel special mention must be made of Magda Clausius, Ibi Gal, Ilonka Grungold, Vera Kolchner, Mrs. Samu Lowenstein, and Mrs. Tibor Reiner.’’

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1181

Dr. Zoltan Barta

Braham 1981:

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1181

Mrs. Joel Brand

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. Lévai, Jenö. Black Book on the Martyrdom of Hungarian Jewry Central European Times Publishing, 1948.

Bauer

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1181

Rafi (Friedl) Ben-Shalom, Slovakia

Braham, 1948 p. 1319:

‘’The members of the young Zionist took militant action for the rescuing of Jews. By doing so they were responsible for what were by far the brightest hours in the tragic wartime history of Hungarian Jewry. Their heroic rescue operations can clearly be classified as acts of resistance.’’ (1319)

“The movement was under the leadership of young Zionists belonging primarily to the Hashomer Hatzair and Dror groups. The dominant role in the movement was played by young Polish and Slovak refugees who came to Hungary in 1942-1944. Among these were Neshka and Zvi Goldfarb of Poland, and Rafi (Friedl) Ben-Shalom and Peretz Revesz of Slovakia. 247 These were soon joined by a number of equally brave young Hungarian Halutzim, who distinguished themselves during the underground struggle. Special mention must be made of the heroic activities of David (Gur) Grosz, Sandor (Alexander; Ben Eretz) Grosszmann, Yitzhak (Mimish) Horvath, Jozsef Mayer, Moshe (Alpan) Pil, Moshe Rosenberg, and Efra (Agmon) Teichmann.’’

[…]

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1319

Dr. Lazlo Benedek

Braham 1981:

“Among the most prominent of the physicians active in the ghetto, in addition to the surgical team cited above, were Drs. Dezso Acel, the ghetto's chief physician, Jeno Barsony, Zoltan Barta, Laszlo Benedek, Glancz, Ferenc Groszman, Lajos Levy, Nemet, and Hugo Richter. Drs. Acel and Barta were killed shortly after the liberation during a grenade attack that hit the hospital. Among the nurses and administrative personnel special mention must be made of Magda Clausius, Ibi Gal, Ilonka Grungold, Vera Kolchner, Mrs. Samu Lowenstein, and Mrs. Tibor Reiner.’’

Levai 1948 p. 389:

“Wearing an armlet describing him as "Delegate of the International Red Cross" Dr. Pal Szappanos, accompanied by Dr. Laszlo Benedek in the guise of a "Christian doctor," took turns with various other Jewish doctors (Dr. Laszlo Tauber, Dr. Glancz, Dr. Nemet and others) in paying daily calls to Teleki Square in order to liberate Jews from deportation under the pretext of ‘illness.’’’

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1181 Lévai, Jenö. Black Book on the Martyrdom of Hungarian Jewry Central European Times Publishing, 1948 p. 389.

Dr. Bela Berend Jewish Council

Levai 1948 p. 384:

“In the ghetto, which on December 10th had been boarded off and isolated, the situation deteriorated from day to day. At first the number to be fed was only 8,000, but this number was increasing rapidly. Prices naturally rose to phantastic heights.

“Lajos Stockler, Chairman of the Jewish Council since October 28th, governed the ghetto, assisted by Dr. Istvan Foldes, Dr. Miklos Szego and Dr. Bela Berend. Captain of Reserve Miksa Domonkos proved to be an energetic assistant, as well as acting as executive official in charge of the few remaining clerks.’’

“The division. of the ghetto houses differed from the previously mentioned statement. In actual fact 291 houses with 4,513 flats comprised the ghetto. 243 houses were used as dwellings, 29 were communal buildings and 19 could not be used (war damaged, etc.)’’

“The Jewish Council in its ghetto function continually had to tackle three very serious questions. The first was the problem of accomodation. On this point the Council was free to make its own arrangements without the interference of police or Nyilas: the task of the Council's Housing Committee was to provide, as far as possible, the necessary living space. When providing accomodation, many aspects had to be considered, as a large proportion of the ghetto inhabitants were either old people or invalids.’’

Braham, 1981 p.1242:

During the Nyilas era, the most indefatigable members of the Council working on behalf of the persecuted Jews were Domonkos, Lajos Stockler, and Rabbi Bela Berend. The latter, pursuing a rather unorthodox course, was particularly active through his dealings with Jozsef Sarosi, the local Nyilas leader in the Budapest ghetto area. Peto, Stern, and Wilhelm, who had dominated the Council before the coup, were in hiding at the time.

Leo Blatt, Zionist Youth Hagana Committee

Braham, 1948 p. 1319:

“The movement was under the leadership of young Zionists belonging primarily to the Hashomer Hatzair and Dror groups. The dominant role in the movement was played by young Polish and Slovak refugees who came to Hungary in 1942-1944. Among these were Neshka and Zvi Goldfarb of Poland, and Rafi (Friedl) Ben-Shalom and Peretz Revesz of Slovakia. These were soon joined by a number of equally brave young Hungarian Halutzim, who distinguished themselves during the underground struggle. Special mention must be made of the heroic activities of David (Gur) Grosz, Sandor (Alexander; Ben Eretz) Grosszmann, Yitzhak (Mimish) Horvath, Jozsef Mayer, Moshe (Alpan) Pil, Moshe Rosenberg, and Efra (Agmon) Teichmann.’’

“With approximately 500 members in Budapest, the leaders of the Hehalutz concentrated their attention on rescuing individuals, mostly their comrades and Zionist sympathizers; they had become convinced that there was no hope for the Jewish masses. The nature and scope of their activities varied with the changing situation. Before the occupation, the Hehalutz was primarily engaged in the rescue and "legalization" of refugees. They provided these refugees with the necessary-mostly Aryan-identification papers, and rescued a number of Jews from Polish, Slovak, and other camps. In this rescue campaign they worked closely with the Vaada, especially its Tiyul section.’’

[…]

“Just before the occupation, the Hashomer Hatzair group decided to have all its members " aryanized" in order to assure their freedom of movement. While extremely risky, this enabled them to carry out their rescue operations more effectively. Under the leadership of Moshe Rosenberg they also established a Hagana Committee (composed of Pil, Menachem (Meno) Klein, Leon Blatt, and Dov Avramcsik) which, however, was short-lived.’’

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1319.

Sandor Boros, Orthodox Public Table (Orthodox Nepasztal)

Braham 1981:

“By far the largest public kitchen facility was the one that was originally established by the Orthodox Jewish Community to help feed the poor of the capital. During the early phase of World War II, the Orthodox Public Table (Orthodox Nepasztal), as the facility was called, had expanded to serve many of the refugees from Austria, Poland and Slovakia, as well as the Jews interned at Kistarcsa, Garany, and Csepel. Following the establishment of the ghetto, the kitchen's facilities were further expanded through the addition of five 700-liter kettles.’’ 109

109. At the time of the occupation, the Nepasztal was headed by Mor Weisz. The effectiveness with which the internees of the various camps were served was to a large extent due to the activities of Sandor Boros. During the Nyilas era, the Nepasztal continued to function thanks to the heroic efforts of men and women like Mor Weisz and Samuel Lowinger, Jozsef Friedmann, and Aranka Katz, the kitchen head. Boros, who settled in Givat Mordechay in Israel sometime after the war, outlined his wartime activities in a memorandum addressed to Miksa Domonkos. A copy of this memorandum is on file in RG-52.’’

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p.

Mrs. Breuer, Rescue Department of the International Red Cross

Levai 1948 p. 389:

‘’Another group of youths, consisting of both Zionists and non-Zionists, settled down in the rescue department of the International Red Cross and tried-by legal and mostly by illegal means-to rescue as many people as possible from the brick-works. This group even succeeded in establishing contact with Laszlo Ferenczy, whom they induced to grant favours by making Red Cross parcels available to him. With the authorisation of the Rescue Department of the International Red Cross, Mrs. Breuer and Vera Gorog put in a daily telephone call to Capt. Lulay, Ferenczy's deputy. In order to avoid attracting attention the code-word "Cousin Veronica called her Uncle Laci" was agreed upon, and most valuable information together with the documents required for the rescue work were obtained.’’

Levai, Eugene (Jeno), Black Book on the Martyrdom of Hungarian Jewry (Zurich: The Central European Times, 1948), p. 389.

Magda Clausius

The hospitals had a maternity section as well as other specialized services under the competent care and guidance of a number of self-sacrificing physicians and assistants. 114

114. […] Among the nurses and administrative personnel special mention must be made of Magda Clausius, Ibi Gal, Ilonka Grungold, Vera Kolchner, Mrs. Samu Lowenstein, and Mrs. Tibor Reiner.

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1181

Miksa Domonkos, Jewish Council, Captain of reserve

Braham 1948 p. 1242:

“During the Nyilas era, the most indefatigable members of the Council working on behalf of the persecuted Jews were Mikasa Domonkos, Lajos Stockler, and Rabbi Bela Berend. The latter, pursuing a rather unorthodox course, was particularly active through his dealings with Jozsef Sarosi, the local Nyilas leader in the Budapest ghetto area. Peto, Stern, and Wilhelm, who had dominated the Council before the coup, were in hiding at the time.’’

Braham 1981 p. 1393:

“Following the establishment of the Budapest ghetto, the Committee served the spiritual needs of converts, providing solace and comfort for many Jews as well. The representatives of the Committee, including Reverends Gyula Nagy and Sandor Borsos, also managed on occasion to smuggle food and medicines into the ghetto. Reverend Nagy maintained close contact with Miksa Domonkos of the Central Jewish Council in his endeavors to help the persecuted. 81 The activities of these dedicated clergymen complemented the rescue and relief operations undertaken by the representatives of the International Red Cross and of the neutral states.’’

Levai 1948 p. 384:

“Lajos Stockler, Chairman of the Jewish Council since October 28th, governed the ghetto, assisted by Dr. Istvan Foldes, Dr. Miklos Szego and Dr. Bela Berend. Captain of Reserve Miksa Domonkos proved to be an energetic assistant, as well as acting as executive official in charge of the few remaining clerks.’’

“The Jewish Council,-whose authority at that time was naturally confined exclusively to the ghetto - did its best to put its house in order. Administrative statutes of the ghetto were drafted. The detailed arrangements provided for the following administrative organs: head occupant of dwellings-house wardens -District Magistrates-The Jewish Council. The division. of the ghetto houses differed from the previously mentioned statement. In actual fact 291 houses with 4,513 flats comprised the ghetto. 243 houses were used as dwellings, 29 were communal buildings and 19 could not be used (war damaged, etc.)’’

Lévai, Jenö. Black Book on the Martyrdom of Hungarian Jewry Central European Times Publishing, 1948 p. 384.

Bela Fabian, Journalist

Levai 1948 p. 425:

“General William Nagy, at that time Minister of War, wanted to change everything for the best. His orders, however, were sabotaged by Nyilas-sympathising officers both in the Ministry and in the Ukraine. General Eugen Rhoder - by order of the minister - was in charge of all labour service camps, and was doing his best to improve the situation. Control Commissions were sent to the Ukraine, but even so it could not be avoided that more than 10,000 men were killed. In the winter of 1942-1943 40,000 Jews were working near the Don and in other parts of the Ukraine. The situation had already been very bad during the preceding summer. Officially 37,000 men were called up at that time, mostly Jews and Socialist or Communist-minded workers, some of which were posted to punitive companies. Their chief tasks were laying or clearing mines and digging tank-traps. Their clothes were torn and much of their food was stolen by the escorting guards. Scurvy and spotted fever made themselves felt; these were followed by an epidemic of dysentery. Early winter found them all in summer clothing - they had been robbed of their other clothing by military (425) policemen controlling the frontier - and most of them were covered with chilblains. Treatment was bad, punishments inflicted were more than severe. There was an increase of the cases in which labourers were killed. Most of the companies were not allowed to write or to receive letters. News could only be obtained through round-about channels. At that time the "Committee of Warriors" began to function under the direction of Bela Fabian, Frederic Ripper and Desider Simon. Its object was to protect the labour service companies.’’

“Their papers appeared soon after: "Hungarian Jews Paper" edited by Rudolph Rooz and "Illustrated Family News", edited by the author of this book [Jeno Levai]. This paper soon became the protector of the labour service. It also tried to create an organisation with the aim of bringing together the families of the officers and escorting guards with those of the labourers, so that occasionally it would be possible to establish a connection with the relatives in the Ukraine, through which they could be supplied with news. Many of the hundreds of thousands of complaints that reached our editorial officers could be forwarded to General Vilmos [William] Nagy with the assistance of Andrew Stella and Paul Fodor, two newspaper- men. In most cases the General honestly tried to help. As a result many of those abusing the workers of the labour companies had to answer for their deeds to court martials. Alas, as a matter of fact, nothing much was changed by this. The General Staff instituted inquiries into the origin of these informations and in March, 1943, the Chief Editor of the "Illustrated Family News" was arrested, brought before a court martial and convicted. The paper was suspended, its staff and contributors suffered persecution. Later on two of its chief contributors, Paul Fodor and Bela Korodi, died a martyr's death.’’

[Lévai, Jenö. Black Book on the Martyrdom of Hungarian Jewry. (Central European Times Publishing, 1948), p. 425.]

Szidonia Feldman, Division of Public Feeding (Nepelelmezesi Osztaly)

Braham 1981 p. 1150:

“The feeding of the ghetto population presented an especially difficult problem for the Jewish leadership. Toward the end of November, the Central Jewish Council established a Division of Public Feeding (Nepelelmezesi Osztaly) under the leadership of Stockler. Two self-sacrificing individuals - Szidonia Feldman and her assistant, Jozsef Halpern - were placed in charge of the operation. Their responsibilities included the establishment of public kitchens, the acquisition of fuel and food, and the supply of water. The problem of feeding increased with the expansion of the ghetto population.’’

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1150

Dr. Istvan Foldes Jewish Council

Levai 1948 p. 384:

“Lajos Stockler, Chairman of the Jewish Council since October 28th, governed the ghetto, assisted by Dr. Istvan Foldes, Dr. Miklos Szego and Dr. Bela Berend. Captain of Reserve Miksa Domonkos proved to be an energetic assistant, as well as acting as executive official in charge of the few remaining clerks.’’

Levai 1948 p. 385:

“Throughout the existence of the ghetto, the food supply was supervised by Aldermann Janos Rosta, Head of the Budapest Food Department. Liaison with him was maintained by Lajos Stockler and Dr. Istvan Foldes. On December 7th they drew food ration cards for four weeks as well as the entitlement certificate for coal and wood. They also asked to be supplied with a small quantity of jam and soya sausage for the children, which was promised. So ration cards and promises were at hand, but difficulties arose with regard to transport. The Treasury agreed to meet the costs.’’

Braham 1981:

“Among the MIPI officials who distinguished themselves in this work were Gyorgy Polgar, Jozsef Pasztor, Istvan Foldes, Imre Reiner, Lajos Klein, Nandor Eichel, Miklos Gal, and Sandor Brody, Levai, Szurke konyv, pp. 185-186. See also Kinga Frojimovics, "'Testveredet ne hagydel! ' A Magyar Izraelitak Partfo go Irodaja (MlPI) miikodese Magyarorszagon a soa idejen " ("Don’t Abandon Your Brother. " The Activities of the Welfare Bureau of the Hungarian Jews). In: KL-JM, pp. 185-206.

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), Lévai, Jenö. Black Book on the Martyrdom of Hungarian Jewry Central European Times Publishing, 1948 p. 384.

Béla Forgács, Volunteer for the Swedish Legation in Budapest, Hungary, 1944-45

Volunteered at the Swedish legation in Budapest, 1944-45. Were involved in the rescue of Jewish refugees with Swedish diplomats, especially Per Anger and Raoul Wallenberg.

Braham 1981 p. 1438:

“To carry out the rescue campaign, Wallenberg set up an organization that, at the height of its operations, included 355 employees, 40 physicians, two hospitals and a soup kitchen. Most of the staff and of the auxiliary personnel were Jews or converts who as a result of this work had gained immunity for themselves and their families. Among those who played an important role in the rescue work, especially as intermediaries with the Hungarian authorities, were Hugo Wahl, Bela Forgacs, and Vilmos Forgacs, who had been given the status of Swedish subjects.”

[Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1087. Skoglund, Elizabeth R. A Quiet Courage: Per Anger, Wallenberg’s Co-Liberator of Hungarian Jews. (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 1997). Anger, Per. Translated by David Mel Paul and Margareta Paul. With Raoul Wallenberg in Budapest: Memories of the War Years in Hungary. (New York: Holocaust Library, 1981), [Levai, Eugene (Jeno), Black Book on the Martyrdom of Hungarian Jewry (Zurich: The Central European Times, 1948), p.,]

Vilmos Forgács, Volunteer for the Swedish Legation in Budapest, Hungary, 1944-45

Volunteered at the Swedish legation in Budapest, 1944-45. Were involved in the rescue of Jewish refugees with Swedish diplomats, especially Per Anger and Raoul Wallenberg.

Braham 1981 p. 1438:

“To carry out the rescue campaign, Wallenberg set up an organization that, at the height of its operations, included 355 employees, 40 physicians, two hospitals and a soup kitchen. Most of the staff and of the auxiliary personnel were Jews or converts who as a result of this work had gained immunity for themselves and their families. Among those who played an important role in the rescue work, especially as intermediaries with the Hungarian authorities, were Hugo Wahl, Bela Forgacs, and Vilmos Forgacs, who had been given the status of Swedish subjects.”

Dr. Gyorgy Frank

Braham 1981 p. 1051:

“Most of the patients arrived in the makeshift hospitals in critical condition. There were hundreds of suicide cases, mostly among the converted and highly assimilated Jews - those who suddenly found their world in shambles; others were brought in with serious injuries following armed attacks by the Nyilas - some of them after having been shot into the Danube, or injured in the wake of Soviet bombardments. Still others suffered from a variety of chronic illnesses associated with old age, malnutrition, or infection. Emergency surgery was frequently performed on kitchen tables covered by sheets and often without anesthetics. The surgical team composed of Drs. Gyorgy Frank, Jozsef Roth, and Laszlo Tauber worked near miracles. After Christmas day, electricity was no longer available; many of the emergency operations had to be performed by the light of home-made candles or flashlights. The hospitals had a maternity section as well as other specialized services under the competent care and guidance of a number of self-sacrificing physicians and assistants.” 114

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1051

Jozef Friedman, Orthodox Public Table (Orthodox Nepasztal)

Braham 1981:

109. At the time of the occupation, the Nepasztal was headed by Mor Weisz. The effectiveness with which the internees of the various camps were served was to a large extent due to the activities of Sandor Boros. During the Nyilas era, the Nepasztal continued to function thanks to the heroic efforts of men and women like Mor Weisz and Samuel Lowinger, Jozsef Friedmann, and Aranka Katz, the kitchen head. Boros, who settled in Givat Mordechay in Israel sometime after the war, outlined his wartime activities in a memorandum addressed to Miksa Domonkos. A copy of this memorandum is on file in RG-52.

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p.

Ibi Gal

Braham 1981:

“The [Budapest] hospitals had a maternity section as well as other specialized services under the competent care and guidance of a number of self-sacrificing physicians and assistants.” 114

114. […] Among the nurses and administrative personnel special mention must be made of Magda Clausius, Ibi Gal, Ilonka Grungold, Vera Kolchner, Mrs. Samu Lowenstein, and Mrs. Tibor Reiner.

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1181

Dr. Glancz

Braham 1981:

“Among the most prominent of the physicians active in the ghetto, in addition to the surgical team cited above, were Drs. Dezso Acel, the ghetto's chief physician, Jeno Barsony, Zoltan Barta, Laszlo Benedek, Glancz, Ferenc Groszman, Lajos Levy, Nemet, and Hugo Richter. Drs. Acel and Barta were killed shortly after the liberation during a grenade attack that hit the hospital. Among the nurses and administrative personnel special mention must be made of Magda Clausius, Ibi Gal, Ilonka Grungold, Vera Kolchner, Mrs. Samu Lowenstein, and Mrs. Tibor Reiner.”

Levai 1948 p. 389:

“Wearing an armlet describing him as "Delegate of the International Red Cross" Dr. Pal Szappanos, accompanied by Dr. Laszlo Benedek in the guise of a "Christian doctor," took turns with various other Jewish doctors (Dr. Laszlo Tauber, Dr. Glancz, Dr. Nemet and others) in paying daily calls to Teleki Square in order to liberate Jews from deportation under the pretext of "illness."

Neshka and Zvi Goldfarb, Zioist Youth

Braham, 1948 p. 1319:

“The movement was under the leadership of young Zionists belonging primarily to the Hashomer Hatzair and Dror groups. The dominant role in the movement was played by young Polish and Slovak refugees who came to Hungary in 1942-1944. Among these were Neshka and Zvi Goldfarb of Poland, and Rafi (Friedl) Ben-Shalom and Peretz Revesz of Slovakia. 247 These were soon joined by a number of equally brave young Hungarian Halutzim, who distinguished themselves during the underground struggle. Special mention must be made of the heroic activities of David (Gur) Grosz, Sandor (Alexander; Ben Eretz) Grosszmann, Yitzhak (Mimish) Horvath, Jozsef Mayer, Moshe (Alpan) Pil, Moshe Rosenberg, and Efra (Agmon) Teichmann.

[…]

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1319

Vera Gorog, Rescue Department of the International Red Cross

“Braham 1981 p. 1331:

“In cooperation with the International Red Cross (especially Komoly's Department A, with which some of the members were directly associated), the Halutzim also undertook to help supply food to the many children' s homes, to the so-called "protected houses," and to the ghetto, and to protect the warehouses with food stockpiles. One of the largest of these warehouses was in the Swiss building at 17 Wekerle Sandor Street, which was under the command of Sandor Groszman.” 263 “The Halutzim had used the buildings assigned to Department A as additional centers of operation. Many of their activities were helped by the mutually rewarding contacts they bad established with several Hungarian officials eager to acquire alibis just before the end of the war. Among these were Andras Szentandrassy, the commander of the camp at the Óbuda brickyard, and Captain Laszlo (Leo) Lulay, Ferenczy's deputy. Contact with the latter was occasionally maintained through Vera Gorog, the daughter of Frigyes Gorog, who was then associated with the International Red Cross.” 264 (1332)

Levai 1948 p. 389:

“Another group of youths, consisting of both Zionists and non-Zionists, settled down in the rescue department of the International Red Cross and tried-by legal and mostly by illegal means-to rescue as many people as possible from the brick-works. This group even succeeded in establishing contact with Laszlo Ferenczy, whom they induced to grant favours by making Red Cross parcels available to him. With the authorisation of the Rescue Department of the International Red Cross, Mrs. Breuer and Vera Gorog put in a daily telephone call to Capt. Lulay, Ferenczy's deputy. In order to avoid attracting attention the code-word "Cousin Veronica called her Uncle Laci" was agreed upon, and most valuable information together with the documents required for the rescue work were obtained.”

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p 1331, Levai, Eugene (Jeno), Black Book on the Martyrdom of Hungarian Jewry (Zurich: The Central European Times, 1948), p. 389.

Sandor (Alexander; Ben Eretz) Grosszmann, Zionist Youth

Braham, 1948 p. 1319:

“The movement was under the leadership of young Zionists belonging primarily to the Hashomer Hatzair and Dror groups. The dominant role in the movement was played by young Polish and Slovak refugees who came to Hungary in 1942-1944. Among these were Neshka and Zvi Goldfarb of Poland, and Rafi (Friedl) Ben-Shalom and Peretz Revesz of Slovakia. These were soon joined by a number of equally brave young Hungarian Halutzim, who distinguished themselves during the underground struggle. Special mention must be made of the heroic activities of David (Gur) Grosz, Sandor (Alexander; Ben Eretz) Grosszmann, Yitzhak (Mimish) Horvath, Jozsef Mayer, Moshe (Alpan) Pil, Moshe Rosenberg, and Efra (Agmon) Teichmann.”

[…]

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1319

David (Gur) Grosz, Zionist Youth

Braham, 1948 p. 1319:

“The movement was under the leadership of young Zionists belonging primarily to the Hashomer Hatzair and Dror groups. The dominant role in the movement was played by young Polish and Slovak refugees who came to Hungary in 1942-1944. Among these were Neshka and Zvi Goldfarb of Poland, and Rafi (Friedl) Ben-Shalom and Peretz Revesz of Slovakia. These were soon joined by a number of equally brave young Hungarian Halutzim, who distinguished themselves during the underground struggle. Special mention must be made of the heroic activities of David (Gur) Grosz, Sandor (Alexander; Ben Eretz) Grosszmann, Yitzhak (Mimish) Horvath, Jozsef Mayer, Moshe (Alpan) Pil, Moshe Rosenberg, and Efra (Agmon) Teichmann.”

[…]

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1319

Dr. Ferenc Groszman, Ghetto Physician

Braham 1981:

“Most of the patients arrived in the makeshift hospitals in critical condition. There were hundreds of suicide cases, mostly among the converted and highly assimilated Jews - those who suddenly found their world in shambles; others were brought in with serious injuries following armed attacks by the Nyilas - some of them after having been shot into the Danube, or injured in the wake of Soviet bombardments. Still others suffered from a variety of chronic illnesses associated with old age, malnutrition, or infection. Emergency surgery was frequently performed on kitchen tables covered by sheets and often without anesthetics. The surgical team composed of Drs. Gyorgy Frank, Jozsef Roth, and Laszlo Tauber worked near miracles. After Christmas day, electricity was no longer available; many of the emergency operations had to be performed by the light of home-made candles or flashlights. The hospitals had a maternity section as well as other specialized services under the competent care and guidance of a number of self-sacrificing physicians and assistants.’’ 114

114. Among the most prominent of the physicians active in the ghetto, in addition to the surgical team cited above, were Drs. Dezso Acel, the ghetto's chief physician, Jeno Barsony, Zoltan Barta, Laszlo Benedek, Glancz, Ferenc Groszman, Lajos Levy, Nemet, and Hugo Richter. Drs. Acel and Barta were killed shortly after the liberation during a grenade attack that hit the hospital. Among the nurses and administrative personnel special mention must be made of Magda Clausius, Ibi Gal, Ilonka Grungold, Vera Kolchner, Mrs. Samu Lowenstein, and Mrs. Tibor Reiner.

Ilonka Grungold

Braham 1981:

“The [Budapest] hospitals had a maternity section as well as other specialized services under the competent care and guidance of a number of self-sacrificing physicians and assistants.’’ 114

114. […] Among the nurses and administrative personnel special mention must be made of Magda Clausius, Ibi Gal, Ilonka Grungold, Vera Kolchner, Mrs. Samu Lowenstein, and Mrs. Tibor Reiner.

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1181.

Jozsef Halpern, Division of Public Feeding (Nepelelmezesi Osztaly)

Braham 1981:

“The feeding of the ghetto population presented an especially difficult problem for the Jewish leadership. Toward the end of November, the Central Jewish Council established a Division of Public Feeding (Nepelelmezesi Osztaly) under the leadership of Stockler. Two self-sacrificing individuals - Szidonia Feldman and her assistant, Jozsef Halpern - were placed in charge of the operation. Their responsibilities included the establishment of public kitchens, the acquisition of fuel and food, and the supply of water. The problem of feeding increased with the expansion of the ghetto population.’’

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1150

Yitzhak (Mimish) Horvath

Braham, 1948 p. 1319:

“The movement was under the leadership of young Zionists belonging primarily to the Hashomer Hatzair and Dror groups. The dominant role in the movement was played by young Polish and Slovak refugees who came to Hungary in 1942-1944. Among these were Neshka and Zvi Goldfarb of Poland, and Rafi (Friedl) Ben-Shalom and Peretz Revesz of Slovakia. These were soon joined by a number of equally brave young Hungarian Halutzim, who distinguished themselves during the underground struggle. Special mention must be made of the heroic activities of David (Gur) Grosz, Sandor (Alexander; Ben Eretz) Grosszmann, Yitzhak (Mimish) Horvath, Jozsef Mayer, Moshe (Alpan) Pil, Moshe Rosenberg, and Efra (Agmon) Teichmann.’’

[…]

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1319

Dr. Miklos Kadar, Refugee office

Levai 1948 p. 387:

“They very cleverly settled down in 16, Bencsur Street and from here set out to accomplish their task. In a short time they had wormed their way into the "Refugees' Office" in the Vigado and so found an opportunity of providing the hiding refugees with all sorts of legitimations and billets. This group, under the leadership of Dr. Gyorgy Wilhelm, Dr. Miklos Kadar and Adorjan Stella, continued its philanthropic activity for months after the liberation.”

Elisabeth Kasza-Kasser, Volunteer with the Swedish Legation in Budapest, Hungary, 1944-45

Elisabeth Kasza-Kasser was a Jewish volunteer for the Swedish legation in Budapest, 1944-45. On many occasions, she was the personal interpreter for Raoul Wallenberg on his numerous missions to save Jews from Nazi and Arrow Cross deportation. Her husband was Alexander Kasza-Kasser. [See also Individuals and Volunteers who Worked with Diplomats.]

Aranka Katz, Orthodox Public Table (Orthodox Nepasztal)

Braham 1981:

109. At the time of the occupation, the Nepasztal was headed by Mor Weisz. The effectiveness with which the internees of the various camps were served was to a large extent due to the activities of Sandor Boros. During the Nyilas era, the Nepasztal continued to function thanks to the heroic efforts of men and women like Mor Weisz and Samuel Lowinger, Jozsef Friedmann, and Aranka Katz, the kitchen head. Boros, who settled in Givat Mordechay in Israel sometime after the war, outlined his wartime activities in a memorandum addressed to Miksa Domonkos. A copy of this memorandum is on file in RG-52.

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p.

Menachem (Meno) Klein, Zionist Youth Hagana Committee

Braham, 1948 p. 1319:

“The movement was under the leadership of young Zionists belonging primarily to the Hashomer Hatzair and Dror groups. The dominant role in the movement was played by young Polish and Slovak refugees who came to Hungary in 1942-1944. Among these were Neshka and Zvi Goldfarb of Poland, and Rafi (Friedl) Ben-Shalom and Peretz Revesz of Slovakia. These were soon joined by a number of equally brave young Hungarian Halutzim, who distinguished themselves during the underground struggle. Special mention must be made of the heroic activities of David (Gur) Grosz, Sandor (Alexander; Ben Eretz) Grosszmann, Yitzhak (Mimish) Horvath, Jozsef Mayer, Moshe (Alpan) Pil, Moshe Rosenberg, and Efra (Agmon) Teichmann.’’

“With approximately 500 members in Budapest, the leaders of the Hehalutz concentrated their attention on rescuing individuals, mostly their comrades and Zionist sympathizers; they had become convinced that there was no hope for the Jewish masses. The nature and scope of their activities varied with the changing situation. Before the occupation, the Hehalutz was primarily engaged in the rescue and "legalization" of refugees. They provided these refugees with the necessary-mostly Aryan-identification papers, and rescued a number of Jews from Polish, Slovak, and other camps. In this rescue campaign they worked closely with the Vaada, especially its Tiyul section.’’

[…]

“Just before the occupation, the Hashomer Hatzair group decided to have all its members " aryanized" in order to assure their freedom of movement. While extremely risky, this enabled them to carry out their rescue operations more effectively. Under the leadership of Moshe Rosenberg they also established a Hagana Committee (composed of Pil, Menachem (Meno) Klein, Leon Blatt, and Dov Avramcsik) which, however, was short-lived.’’

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1319.

Vera Kolchner

Braham, 1981:

“The [Budapest] hospitals had a maternity section as well as other specialized services under the competent care and guidance of a number of self-sacrificing physicians and assistants. 114

114. […] Among the nurses and administrative personnel special mention must be made of Magda Clausius, Ibi Gal, Ilonka Grungold, Vera Kolchner, Mrs. Samu Lowenstein, and Mrs. Tibor Reiner.

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1181

Otto Komoly Department A International Red Cross, Central Jewish Council

Brahan 1981, pp. 1300-1303:

“The Rescue Activities of Otto Komoly.

“One of the few truly outstanding leaders of Hungarian Jewry, Komoly was born in Budapest in 1892. An engineer of middle-class background, he embraced Zionism under the influence of his father, who had attended the First Zionist Congress in Basel in 1897. A man of irreproachable character, Komoly played a prominent, though unfortunately not a decisively important, role during the catastrophe of Hungarian Jewry. Although he was the President of the Hungarian Zionist Association and of the Vaada, he was overshadowed in these organizations by Kasztner. He was practically the only person that all Zionist factional leaders looked upon without rancor or malice. He was a peace-maker and unifier by nature, and he did everything possible to put an end to the perennial conflicts within and among the various Zionist groups and organizations. As a captain decorated for heroism in World War I, Komoly was exempted from the anti-Jewish laws and retained his freedom of movement. He devoted all his energies to the relief and possible rescue of the beleaguered Jewish community, acting closely with Kasztner.’’

“Komoly played a leading role in the preparation of the Kasztner transport, which also included his only daughter. He assumed a more active role after the departure of the transport and especially after Horthy had halted the deportations early in July 1944. By that time the military situation, following the Normandy landings and the advances of the Red Army, took a decisive turn in favor of the Allies and many Hungarians intensified their search for an urgent way out of the war. Among these were not only Horthy and his military and conservative political advisers, but also noted Christian church leaders and even some rightists, who ceased believing in German invincibility. Their voices began to coalesce with those of the progressive intellectuals and illegal opposition elements, including the representatives of the Smallholder, Social Democratic, and communist parties. This increasingly discernible reaffirmation of Hungarian national will emboldened some of the Jewish leaders to undertake new rescue campaigns, without abandoning Kasztner’ s dealings with the SS.’’

“The pursuit of the Hungarian line of rescue was assumed by Komoly. His background, temperament, and prestige made him the natural and logical choice for dealing with leading Hungarian figures, many of whom had by then become not only anti-Nazi but also (1301) anti-German. Some of them, including Miklos Horthy, Jr., Miklos Mester, and Reverend Albert Bereczky, were in fact directly or indirectly associated with the emerging resistance movement (see below). Komoly’ s position as the leading Zionist spokesman for the surviving Jewish community had been buttressed by his association with the International Red Cross (IRC) and later with the reorganized Central Jewish Council.’’

“As demonstrated earlier, during the immediate post-occupation period, Hungarian officials had refused to deal with the Jewish leaders and referred them to the SS. However, when Horthy halted the deportations many of these same officials had become eager to show their anti-Nazi sympathies. Perhaps no other Jewish leader was as keenly aware of these changing attitudes as was Komoly. Imrédy, for example, had declined to see him in late March and in May even though some of the country's influential politicians, including Count Ferenc Karolyi, Tibor Korody, and Mester, had interceded on his behalf. After July, however, Komoly was besieged by several leading Rightists and even officials who had previously been involved in the anti-Jewish measures, including Ferenczy and Lulay, offering various schemes of rescue. He had no difficulty in meeting such notorious anti-Semites as Rajniss and Baky. In July and August, Komoly tried his best to prevent the concentration of the Jews of Budapest into camps outside the capital as demanded by the Germans and as suggested by the Hungarian gendarrnerie " as a means to protect them. " He was afraid that despite the good will of many of the plan's proponents, the Jews, once concentrated, could easily be deported. During these months, he had almost daily contacts with Mester, the Imrédy-oriented rightist Under Secretary in the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Education who had turned anti-German after the occupation; Reverend Bereczky, a courageous minister of the Reformed Church who had some links to the emerging Hungarian resistance; 192 and Tibor Korody, a journalist and Arrow Cross member of the lower house, who, like Mester, turned against the Germans in the summer of 1944. Komoly’s dealings with Hungarian political figures involved not only the Jewish question, but also military and political issues, including the possible composition and program of the envisioned post-armistice government.’’ 193

“At this time special measures for the protection of children became an important consideration in view of the lingering threat of deportation, (1302) the continuous dwindling of supplies, and the dangers associated with the rapidly approaching front. It was suggested that the children be placed under the protection of the IRC. Friedrich Born, the IRC delegate in Hungary since the middle of May 1944, was approached about this matter early in August. Since under international law the IRC's functions were primarily concerned with POW issues, a legal framework had to be found by which the agency could undertake the tasks suggested by the Jewish leaders. The solution was provided by the Spanish government, which declared its readiness to accept 500 children for resettlement in Tangier. The Swiss government also agreed to permit the entry of 500 children. The IRC was thereupon requested to take these now "foreign children" under its protection and care for them until their departure.’’

“On August 29, Born informed Komoly of his readiness to place at his disposal a room in the IRC office at 4 Merleg Street for this purpose. Shortly after the offer was renewed on September 7,194 a special office ("Department A") for the protection of children was opened under the leadership of Komoly. A number of buildings were bought or rented to house the children and to store supplies. The buildings and all the employees associated with them enjoyed the protection of the IRC. The financing of Komoly's Department A was the responsibility of the Central Jewish Council, which had relied on AJDC funds.’’ 195

“The value of the children’ s homes bad become apparent during the Nyilas era, when they emerged as a source of refuge for thousands of children and adults. At one time, Department A was in charge of 35 buildings, 550 employees, and 5,000 to 6,000 children. The department’s facilities were also used by Sholem Offenbach and his colleagues, who were concerned with the welfare of the approximately 1,000 foreign Jewish refugees (700 to 800 Polish, 70 to 80 Yugoslav, and a few hundred Slovak) still in the country, and by Dr. Osterweil, a Polish-Jewish refugee physician who was in charge of approximately 100 orphans, mostly from Poland.’’ 196

“One of the largest of the children’ s homes protected by the Red Cross was the Jewish Orphanage for Boys (Zsido Fiuarvahaz) headed by Otto Roboz, a close associate of Otto Komoly. It also provided accommodation for handicapped children who were transferred from institutions that were confiscated by the Germans.’’ 197 (1303)

“After Komoly was co-opted into the Central Jewish Council, the work of Department A was greatly expanded and closely coordinated with that of the Council in the administration and supplying of a large number of homes for children and orphans, hospitals, and public kitchens. The expansion of the department's work required its decentralization. The central office, which was under the overall direction of Komoly and staffed primarily by Zionists, had to be shifted to 52 Baross Street. Economic matters, including the supplying of the children's homes and later of the ghetto, were handled at 2 Perczel Mor, 3 Bekes, and 6 Merleg Streets. The department was also in charge of the 24 makeshift Jewish hospitals within and outside the ghetto. 198

“At the height of the Nyilas terror, many of the buildings protected by the IRC were used by the young Halutzim, who had enjoyed virtual immunity as employees of Department A, for their underground rescue activities. They also served as places of refuge for many escapees from internment camps and labor service companies.

“Following the Soviet encirclement of Budapest, most of the Jewish leaders either went into hiding or moved to safer living quarters. On December 28, Komoly moved to the Ritz Hotel, where Hans Weyermann, the IRC delegate, had his residence, in order to assure constant access at a time when telephone contact was no longer possible and other means of communication and transportation were no longer available. He was not destined to see the liberation that came a little less than three weeks later. On January 1, 1945, he was picked up by three Nyilas plainclothes detectives and taken to the Nyilas House in Varoshaz Street. In spite of assurances given to Weyermann, he was never seen alive again. His murder by the Nyilas marked the tragic end of one of the most illustrious and heroic figures of Hungarian Jewry.’’ 199

Born, Bericht, Braham 1981 pp. 122, 402, 446, 450, 490, 515, 547, 558, 560, 568, 573, 574, 912, 950, 954, 963, 984, 1052, 1055, 1060, 1073, 1094, 1098, 1144,1151, 1167, 1176, 1244, 1254, 1255, 1268, 1270, 1272, 1293, 1294, 1299, 1300-1303, 1355, 1337, 1341, 1349, 1350, 1399, 1408, 1445, Lévai, Jenö. Black Book on the Martyrdom of Hungarian Jewry Central European Times Publishing, 1948, Lévai, Jenö, Sziirke kony v.

Bela Korody, Journalist

Levai 1948 p. 425:

[Lévai, Jenö. Black Book on the Martyrdom of Hungarian Jewry. (Central European Times Publishing, 1948), p. 425,]

Vilmosh Langefeld, Volunteer for the Swedish Legation in Budapest, Hungary, 1944-45

Vilmosh Langefeld was an assistant to Swedish diplomat Raoul Wallenberg. He was captured and taken prisoner by the Soviet Union along with Raoul Wallenberg on June 17, 1945. He and Wallenberg disappeared into the Russian gulags and their whereabouts have not been determined.

[Skoglund, Elizabeth R. A Quiet Courage: Per Anger, Wallenberg’s Co-Liberator of Hungarian Jews. (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 1997). Anger, Per. Translated by David Mel Paul and Margareta Paul. With Raoul Wallenberg in Budapest: Memories of the War Years in Hungary. (New York: Holocaust Library, 1981).]

Jeno Levai, Journalist

Levai 1948 p. 425:

[Lévai, Jenö. Black Book on the Martyrdom of Hungarian Jewry. (Central European Times Publishing, 1948), p. 425.]

Dr. Lajos Levy, Ghetto Physician

Braham 1981:

“Most of the patients arrived in the makeshift hospitals in critical condition. There were hundreds of suicide cases, mostly among the converted and highly assimilated Jews - those who suddenly found their world in shambles; others were brought in with serious injuries following armed attacks by the Nyilas - some of them after having been shot into the Danube, or injured in the wake of Soviet bombardments. Still others suffered from a variety of chronic illnesses associated with old age, malnutrition, or infection. Emergency surgery was frequently performed on kitchen tables covered by sheets and often without anesthetics. The surgical team composed of Drs. Gyorgy Frank, Jozsef Roth, and Laszlo Tauber worked near miracles. After Christmas day, electricity was no longer available; many of the emergency operations had to be performed by the light of home-made candles or flashlights. The hospitals had a maternity section as well as other specialized services under the competent care and guidance of a number of self-sacrificing physicians and assistants.’’ 114

114. Among the most prominent of the physicians active in the ghetto, in addition to the surgical team cited above, were Drs. Dezso Acel, the ghetto's chief physician, Jeno Barsony, Zoltan Barta, Laszlo Benedek, Glancz, Ferenc Groszman, Lajos Levy, Nemet, and Hugo Richter. Drs. Acel and Barta were killed shortly after the liberation during a grenade attack that hit the hospital. Among the nurses and administrative personnel special mention must be made of Magda Clausius, Ibi Gal, Ilonka Grungold, Vera Kolchner, Mrs. Samu Lowenstein, and Mrs. Tibor Reiner.

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981, p.

Mrs. Samu Lowenstein

Braham, 1981:

“The [Budapest] hospitals had a maternity section as well as other specialized services under the competent care and guidance of a number of self-sacrificing physicians and assistants.’’ 114

114. […] Among the nurses and administrative personnel special mention must be made of Magda Clausius, Ibi Gal, Ilonka Grungold, Vera Kolchner, Mrs. Samu Lowenstein, and Mrs. Tibor Reiner.

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1181

Samuel Lowinger, Orthodox Public Table (Orthodox Nepasztal)

Braham 1981:

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p.

Jozsef Mayer

Braham, 1948 p. 1319:

“The movement was under the leadership of young Zionists belonging primarily to the Hashomer Hatzair and Dror groups. The dominant role in the movement was played by young Polish and Slovak refugees who came to Hungary in 1942-1944. Among these were Neshka and Zvi Goldfarb of Poland, and Rafi (Friedl) Ben-Shalom and Peretz Revesz of Slovakia. These were soon joined by a number of equally brave young Hungarian Halutzim, who distinguished themselves during the underground struggle. Special mention must be made of the heroic activities of David (Gur) Grosz, Sandor (Alexander; Ben Eretz) Grosszmann, Yitzhak (Mimish) Horvath, Jozsef Mayer, Moshe (Alpan) Pil, Moshe Rosenberg, and Efra (Agmon) Teichmann.’’

[…]

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1319.

Dr. Nemet, Ghetto Physician

Braham 1981:

“Most of the patients arrived in the makeshift hospitals in critical condition. There were hundreds of suicide cases, mostly among the converted and highly assimilated Jews - those who suddenly found their world in shambles; others were brought in with serious injuries following armed attacks by the Nyilas - some of them after having been shot into the Danube, or injured in the wake of Soviet bombardments. Still others suffered from a variety of chronic illnesses associated with old age, malnutrition, or infection. Emergency surgery was frequently performed on kitchen tables covered by sheets and often without anesthetics. The surgical team composed of Drs. Gyorgy Frank, Jozsef Roth, and Laszlo Tauber worked near miracles. After Christmas day, electricity was no longer available; many of the emergency operations had to be performed by the light of home-made candles or flashlights. The hospitals had a maternity section as well as other specialized services under the competent care and guidance of a number of self-sacrificing physicians and assistants.’’ 114

114. Among the most prominent of the physicians active in the ghetto, in addition to the surgical team cited above, were Drs. Dezso Acel, the ghetto's chief physician, Jeno Barsony, Zoltan Barta, Laszlo Benedek, Glancz, Ferenc Groszman, Lajos Levy, Nemet, and Hugo Richter. Drs. Acel and Barta were killed shortly after the liberation during a grenade attack that hit the hospital. Among the nurses and administrative personnel special mention must be made of Magda Clausius, Ibi Gal, Ilonka Grungold, Vera Kolchner, Mrs. Samu Lowenstein, and Mrs. Tibor Reiner.’’

Levai 1948 p. 389:

Wearing an armlet describing him as "Delegate of the International Red Cross" Dr. Pal Szappanos, accompanied by Dr. Laszlo Benedek in the guise of a "Christian doctor," took turns with various other Jewish doctors (Dr. Laszlo Tauber, Dr. Glancz, Dr. Nemet and others) in paying daily calls to Teleki Square in order to liberate Jews from deportation under the pretext of "illness."

Sholem Offenbach, Department A International Red Cross

Braham 1981:

“The value of the children’ s homes had become apparent during the Nyilas era, when they emerged as a source of refuge for thousands of children and adults. At one time, Department A was in charge of 35 buildings, 550 employees, and 5,000 to 6,000 children. The department’s facilities were also used by Sholem Offenbach and his colleagues, who were concerned with the welfare of the approximately 1,000 foreign Jewish refugees (700 to 800 Polish, 70 to 80 Yugoslav, and a few hundred Slovak) still in the country, and by Dr. Osterweil, a Polish-Jewish refugee physician who was in charge of approximately 100 orphans, mostly from Poland.’’ 196

Levai, Eugene (Jeno), Black Book on the Martyrdom of Hungarian Jewry (Zurich: The Central European Times, 1948), p., Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981 p.1302.

Dr. Osterweil

Braham 1981 p. 196:

“The value of the children’ s homes had become apparent during the Nyilas era, when they emerged as a source of refuge for thousands of children and adults. At one time, Department A was in charge of 35 buildings, 550 employees, and 5,000 to 6,000 children. The department’s facilities were also used by Sholem Offenbach and his colleagues, who were concerned with the welfare of the approximately 1,000 foreign Jewish refugees (700 to 800 Polish, 70 to 80 Yugoslav, and a few hundred Slovak) still in the country, and by Dr. Osterweil, a Polish-Jewish refugee physician who was in charge of approximately 100 orphans, mostly from Poland.’’ (196)

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981, p. 1303.

Moshe (Alpan) Pil, Zionist Youth, Hagana Committee

Braham, 1948 p. 1319:

“The movement was under the leadership of young Zionists belonging primarily to the Hashomer Hatzair and Dror groups. The dominant role in the movement was played by young Polish and Slovak refugees who came to Hungary in 1942-1944. Among these were Neshka and Zvi Goldfarb of Poland, and Rafi (Friedl) Ben-Shalom and Peretz Revesz of Slovakia. These were soon joined by a number of equally brave young Hungarian Halutzim, who distinguished themselves during the underground struggle. Special mention must be made of the heroic activities of David (Gur) Grosz, Sandor (Alexander; Ben Eretz) Grosszmann, Yitzhak (Mimish) Horvath, Jozsef Mayer, Moshe (Alpan) Pil, Moshe Rosenberg, and Efra (Agmon) Teichmann.’’

[…]

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1319

Mrs. Tibor Reiner

Braham 1981:

“The [Budapest] hospitals had a maternity section as well as other specialized services under the competent care and guidance of a number of self-sacrificing physicians and assistants.’’ 114

114. […] Among the nurses and administrative personnel special mention must be made of Magda Clausius, Ibi Gal, Ilonka Grungold, Vera Kolchner, Mrs. Samu Lowenstein, and Mrs. Tibor Reiner.

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1181.

Peretz Revesz of Slovakia

Braham, 1948 p. 1319:

[…]

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1319

Fredrick Ripper, Journalist

Levai 1948 p. 425:

[Lévai, Jenö. Black Book on the Martyrdom of Hungarian Jewry. (Central European Times Publishing, 1948), p. 425,]

Dr. Hugo Richter

Braham 1981:

“Most of the patients arrived in the makeshift hospitals in critical condition. There were hundreds of suicide cases, mostly among the converted and highly assimilated Jews - those who suddenly found their world in shambles; others were brought in with serious injuries following armed attacks by the Nyilas - some of them after having been shot into the Danube, or injured in the wake of Soviet bombardments. Still others suffered from a variety of chronic illnesses associated with old age, malnutrition, or infection. Emergency surgery was frequently performed on kitchen tables covered by sheets and often without anesthetics. The surgical team composed of Drs. Gyorgy Frank, Jozsef Roth, and Laszlo Tauber worked near miracles. After Christmas day, electricity was no longer available; many of the emergency operations had to be performed by the light of home-made candles or flashlights. The hospitals had a maternity section as well as other specialized services under the competent care and guidance of a number of self-sacrificing physicians and assistants.’’ 114

114. Among the most prominent of the physicians active in the ghetto, in addition to the surgical team cited above, were Drs. Dezso Acel, the ghetto's chief physician, Jeno Barsony, Zoltan Barta, Laszlo Benedek, Glancz, Ferenc Groszman, Lajos Levy, Nemet, and Hugo Richter. Drs. Acel and Barta were killed shortly after the liberation during a grenade attack that hit the hospital. Among the nurses and administrative personnel special mention must be made of Magda Clausius, Ibi Gal, Ilonka Grungold, Vera Kolchner, Mrs. Samu Lowenstein, and Mrs. Tibor Reiner.’’

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981, p.

Otto Roboz Jewish Orphanage for Boys (Zsido Fiuarvahaz)

Braham 1981:

“One of the largest of the children’ s homes protected by the Red Cross was the Jewish Orphanage for Boys (Zsido Fiuarvahaz) headed by Otto Roboz, a close associate of Otto Komoly. It also provided accommodation for handicapped children who were transferred from institutions that were confiscated by the Germans.’’

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981, p. 1303.

Moshe Rosenberg, Zionist Youth, Hagana Committee

Braham, 1948 p. 1319:

“The movement was under the leadership of young Zionists belonging primarily to the Hashomer Hatzair and Dror groups. The dominant role in the movement was played by young Polish and Slovak refugees who came to Hungary in 1942-1944. Among these were Neshka and Zvi Goldfarb of Poland, and Rafi (Friedl) Ben-Shalom and Peretz Revesz of Slovakia. These were soon joined by a number of equally brave young Hungarian Halutzim, who distinguished themselves during the underground struggle. Special mention must be made of the heroic activities of David (Gur) Grosz, Sandor (Alexander; Ben Eretz) Grosszmann, Yitzhak (Mimish) Horvath, Jozsef Mayer, Moshe (Alpan) Pil, Moshe Rosenberg, and Efra (Agmon) Teichmann.’’

“With approximately 500 members in Budapest, the leaders of the Hehalutz concentrated their attention on rescuing individuals, mostly their comrades and Zionist sympathizers; they had become convinced that there was no hope for the Jewish masses. The nature and scope of their activities varied with the changing situation. Before the occupation, the Hehalutz was primarily engaged in the rescue and "legalization" of refugees. They provided these refugees with the necessary-mostly Aryan-identification papers, and rescued a number of Jews from Polish, Slovak, and other camps. In this rescue campaign they worked closely with the Vaada, especially its Tiyul section.’’

[…]

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1319.

Janos Rosta, Head of the Budapest Food Department

Levai 1948 p. 384:

“Throughout the existence of the ghetto, the food supply was supervised by Aldermann Janos Rosta, Head of the Budapest Food Department. Liaison with him was maintained by Lajos Stockler and Dr. Istvan Foldes. On December 7th they drew food ration cards for four weeks as well as the entitlement certificate for coal and wood. They also asked to be supplied with a small quantity of jam and soya sausage for the children, which was promised. So ration cards and promises were at hand, but difficulties arose with regard to transport. The Treasury agreed to meet the costs.’’

Lévai, Jenö. Black Book on the Martyrdom of Hungarian Jewry Central European Times Publishing, 1948 p. 384.

Dr. Joszef Roth

Braham 1981:

“Most of the patients arrived in the makeshift hospitals in critical condition. There were hundreds of suicide cases, mostly among the converted and highly assimilated Jews - those who suddenly found their world in shambles; others were brought in with serious injuries following armed attacks by the Nyilas - some of them after having been shot into the Danube, or injured in the wake of Soviet bombardments’’. Still others suffered from a variety of chronic illnesses associated with old age, malnutrition, or infection. Emergency surgery was frequently performed on kitchen tables covered by sheets and often without anesthetics. The surgical team composed of Drs. Gyorgy Frank, Jozsef Roth, and Laszlo Tauber worked near miracles. After Christmas day, electricity was no longer available; many of the emergency operations had to be performed by the light of home-made candles or flashlights. The hospitals had a maternity section as well as other specialized services under the competent care and guidance of a number of self-sacrificing physicians and assistants.’’ 114

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1051

Lajos Stockler, Chairman of the Jewish Council

Braham, 1981:

Levai 1948 p. 384:

“Throughout the existence of the ghetto, the food supply was supervised by Aldermann Janos Rosta, Head of the Budapest Food Department. Liaison with him was maintained by Lajos Stockler and Dr. Istvan Foldes. On December 7th they drew food ration cards for four weeks as well as the entitlement certificate for coal and wood. They also asked to be supplied with a small quantity of jam and soya sausage for the children, which was promised. So ration cards and promises were at hand, but difficulties arose with regard to transport. The Treasury agreed to meet the costs.’’

Dr. Pal Szappanos

Levai 1948 p. 389:

“Wearing an armlet describing him as "Delegate of the International Red Cross" Dr. Pal Szappanos, accompanied by Dr. Laszlo Benedek in the guise of a "Christian doctor," took turns with various other Jewish doctors (Dr. Laszlo Tauber, Dr. Glancz, Dr. Nemet and others) in paying daily calls to Teleki Square in order to liberate Jews from deportation under the pretext of ‘illness.’’’

Lévai, Jenö. Black Book on the Martyrdom of Hungarian Jewry Central European Times Publishing, 1948 p. 384.

Dr. Miklos Szego, Jewish Council

Levai 1948 p. 384:

In the ghetto, which on December 10th had been boarded off and isolated, the situation deteriorated from day to day. At first the number to be fed was only 8,000, but this number was increasing rapidly. Prices naturally rose to phantastic heights.’’

Lajos Stockler, Chairman of the Jewish Council since October 28th, governed the ghetto, assisted by Dr. Istvan Foldes, Dr. Miklos Szego and Dr. Bela Berend. Captain of Reserve Miksa Domonkos proved to be an energetic assistant, as well as acting as executive official in charge of the few remaining clerks.’’

The Jewish Council,-whose authority at that time was naturally confined exclusively to the ghetto - did its best to put its house in order. Administrative statutes of the ghetto were drafted. The detailed arrangements provided for the following administrative organs: head occupant of dwellings-house wardens -District Magistrates-The Jewish Council.’’

The division. of the ghetto houses differed from the previously mentioned statement. In actual fact 291 houses with 4,513 flats comprised the ghetto. 243 houses were used as dwellings, 29 were communal buildings and 19 could not be used (war damaged, etc.)’’

The Jewish Council in its ghetto function continually had to tackle three very serious questions. The first was the problem of accomodation. On this point the Council was free to make its own arrangements without the interference of police or Nyilas: the task of the Council's Housing Committee was to provide, as far as possible, the necessary living space. When providing accomodation, many aspects had to be considered, as a large proportion of the ghetto inhabitants were either old people or invalids.’’

Dr. Laszlo Tauber, Ghetto Physician

Braham 1981:

“Most of the patients arrived in the makeshift hospitals in critical condition. There were hundreds of suicide cases, mostly among the converted and highly assimilated Jews - those who suddenly found their world in shambles; others were brought in with serious injuries following armed attacks by the Nyilas - some of them after having been shot into the Danube, or injured in the wake of Soviet bombardments. Still others suffered from a variety of chronic illnesses associated with old age, malnutrition, or infection. Emergency surgery was frequently performed on kitchen tables covered by sheets and often without anesthetics. The surgical team composed of Drs. Gyorgy Frank, Jozsef Roth, and Laszlo Tauber worked near miracles. After Christmas day, electricity was no longer available; many of the emergency operations had to be performed by the light of home-made candles or flashlights. The hospitals had a maternity section as well as other specialized services under the competent care and guidance of a number of self-sacrificing physicians and assistants.’’ 114

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1051.

Efra (Agmon) Teichmann, Zionist Youth

Braham, 1948 p. 1319:

“The movement was under the leadership of young Zionists belonging primarily to the Hashomer Hatzair and Dror groups. The dominant role in the movement was played by young Polish and Slovak refugees who came to Hungary in 1942-1944. Among these were Neshka and Zvi Goldfarb of Poland, and Rafi (Friedl) Ben-Shalom and Peretz Revesz of Slovakia. These were soon joined by a number of equally brave young Hungarian Halutzim, who distinguished themselves during the underground struggle. Special mention must be made of the heroic activities of David (Gur) Grosz, Sandor (Alexander; Ben Eretz) Grosszmann, Yitzhak (Mimish) Horvath, Jozsef Mayer, Moshe (Alpan) Pil, Moshe Rosenberg, and Efra (Agmon) Teichmann.’’

[…]

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1319

Sandor Gyorgy Ujvary International Red Cross and the Papal Nuncio.

Braham 1981:

“Labor servicemen were involved in other forms of resistance as well. A unit of 25 men from Company No. 101/359, the so-called Clothes-Collecting Company (Ruhagyujto Munkasszazad), for example, provided special services to the persecuted Jews. Known as Section T of the International Red Cross, this unit, led by Dr. Gyorgy Wilhelm, the son of Karoly Wilhelm, engaged in many heroic rescue operations. The men of this unit, including Istvan Bekeffi, Istvan Komlos, Istvan Radi, and Adorjan Stella, rescued Jews from the death marches to Hegyeshalom and supplied the food made available by the International Red Cross to the children’ s homes and the ghetto. Ironically, they too had to be rescued on November 29, when they were scheduled for entrainment and deportation. This was achieved through the efforts of a rescue group headed by Sandor Gyorgy Ujvary, a journalist of Jewish background, who was associated with the International Red Cross and the Papal Nuncio. 246 The rescue activities of Section T, like those of the Ujvary group, paralleled those undertaken by the Halutzim.’’

Levai 1948 p. 371-372:

The "death march" to Hegyeshalom began. Tens of thousands soon followed the transports on the high road to Vienna, via Gyor, covering 25 to 30 kilometres a day. Soon the high roads were covered with thousands of corpses of the deported Jews, who were weakened by privation, dysentery, typhoid and shot or mercilessly beaten to death by the Nyilas men.’’

The Apostolic Nuntio now permitted Sandor Ujvary, a voluntary worker of the International Red Cross, to take hundreds of blank safe-conducts with him, when, accompanied by (371) nuns, he took convoys of motor lorries with medicine, dressings and food to the miserable deported Jews.’’

Ujvary obtained the Nuntio’s permission by telling him quite frankly how he worked with forged legitimations, faked certificates of baptism and other documents, and how he tried to rescue the sick and exhausted Jews from the hands of the Nyilas in the hour of their greatest need.

The Nuntio said: "My son, your action pleases God and Jesus, as you are rescuing innocent people. I grant you absolution in advance. Continue your work to the glory of God!"

Thus the small detachment of the International Red Cross started on its way. It consisted of Sandor Ujvary, author; Dr. Geza Kiss, textile merchant; Dr. Istvan Biro, lawyer and deputy for Transylvania. They gave following account of their journey:

"Wherever we went on the main roads, we witnessed the most dreadful scenes. Endless columns of deported persons were marched along: ragged and starving people, mortally tired, among them old and wizened creatures who could hardly crawl along. Gendarmes were driving them with the butt-end of their rifles, with sticks and with whips. They had to cover 30 kilometres a day, until they came to a "resting-place". This generally was the marketplace of a town. They were driven into the square and spent the nights in the open, huddled together and shivering with cold in the chill of a November or December night. The daily food consisted of a generally inedible plateful of thin soup and nothing else. One of these stations was in Gonyu. On the morning following the "rest" we saw the number of corpses, which would never again arise from the frosty ground of the market-square. Baron Vilmos Apor, the Bishop of Gyor, knew about these horrors and did everything he could to help. He organised collections and instructed the clergy of his diocese to try and assist the deportees passing through in any manner possible."

‘’This group of rescuers had set itself the task of distributing medicine and food among the deportees driven towards Hegyeshalom. This was not often possible without encountering difficulties. The Arrow-Cross and the Gendarmerie tried to frustrate their work at all costs, they were often in danger of being arrested, they were called "Jewish hirelings." Another report reads as follows:

"In Gonyu we saw that a part of the deportees were driven on board the ships anchored in the Danube over night. Many-in their great distress-committed suicide. In the still of the night one scream was followed by the other: the doomed people were jumping into the Danube, which was covered with drifting ice. They could not stand the tortures any longer, they preferred to commit suicide. With our own eyes we saw the gendarmes driving the Jews, who arrived in pitch-darkness, over the narrow gangways covered with ice, so that scores of them slipped and (372) fell into the icy river. Rescuing or helping was quite out of the question. A great number of Jews perished in that manner. There were good-hearted Hungarian peasants in the village, through which the deportees had to pass. It was difficult to approach the marching column, as the Nyilas men and the gendarmes refused to allow any attempt to offer help. In spite of these difficulties we succeeded, on several occasions, in rescuing Jews From the column and hiding them From the gendarmes. They were clad in peasant garments and sometimes one could not help smiling on beholding such typically Jewish-looking 'peasants'.''

[…]

‘’In Hegyeshalom the deportees were partly accomodated in an enormous barn behind the town hall and partly in "Biro puszta.'' This was the last station in Hungary, the next one was already in Germany. Here, therefore, lay the last chance of releasing anyone. In the Town-Hall of Hegyeshalom the Lazarist priest Father Kohler fought to save the lives of the deportees. This high-spirited priest devoted all his time and energy to this task. The Ujvary group, as agreed with Father Kohler, pushed its way into the crowd, selecting those who were in the worst condition and who evidently could no longer endure privation and torture. They filled out the blank Apostolic safe-conducts in their names and claimed their release. After much debating and quarrelling-in the course of which Father Kohler was called a Jew and "a servant of the Jewish Pope"-they succeeded in rescuing 4,700 people out of the tens of thousands. These 4,700 were put into freight-trucks and returned to Budapest, which again involved much begging and bribing of gendarmes.’’

Here are a few extracts from the reports about Hegyeshalom:

"In Hegyeshalom we were surrounded by armed Nyilas men. They were most aggressive, abusing us for bringing medical stores for the Jews, when, according to them, there were not even enough lor Christians. Whilst this scene was going on, several Freight trucks with rescued Jews stood in the station awaiting the signal to start off for Budapest. We were afraid that if we debated the question of medical stores much longer, the infuriated gendarmes and Nyilas men might, in their anger, drive the rescued Jews out of the trucks. Ujvary, used to quick decisions, suddenly took the side of the Nyilas and shouted: 'They are right! We won't give the medicines to the Jew,, we'll rather let our Nyilas brethren (373) have them!' His companions at once understood what was at stake and started to distribute the medical stores among the Nyilas men and gendarmes, and whilst these were crowding round and jostling each other for the free gifts, the trucks packed with the Jews left for Budapest without further molestation."

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981, p. 1303, Lévai, Jenö. Grey Book on the Rescuing of Hungarian Jews. Budapest: Officina, 1946, Lévai, Jenö. Black Book on the Martyrdom of Hungarian Jewry. (Central European Times Publishing, 1948.

Thomas Veres, Volunteer for Raoul Wallenberg, Budapest, Hungary, 1944-45

Thomas Veres was a Jewish volunteer for Raoul Wallenberg at the Swedish legation in Budapest, 1944-45. Veres was also the driver and translator for Wallenberg. He took many of the photographs showing Wallenberg on his rescue missions in Budapest.

[Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981). Bierman, John. Righteous Gentile: The Story of Raoul Wallenberg, Missing Hero of the Holocaust. (New York: Viking, 1981). Anger, Per. Translated by David Mel Paul and Margareta Paul. With Raoul Wallenberg in Budapest: Memories of the War Years in Hungary. (New York: Holocaust Library, 1981).]

Hugo Wahl, Volunteer for the Swedish Legation in Budapest, Hungary, 1944-45

Volunteered at the Swedish legation in Budapest, 1944-45. Were involved in the rescue of Jewish refugees with Swedish diplomats, especially Per Anger and Raoul Wallenberg.

Mor Weisz, Orthodox Public Table (Orthodox Nepasztal)

Braham 1981:

109. At the time of the occupation, the Nepasztal was headed by Mor Weisz. The effectiveness with which the internees of the various camps were served was to a large extent due to the activities of Sandor Boros. During the Nyilas era, the Nepasztal continued to function thanks to the heroic efforts of men and women like Mor Weisz and Samuel Lowinger, Jozsef Friedmann, and Aranka Katz, the kitchen head. Boros, who settled in Givat Mordechay in Israel sometime after the war, outlined his wartime activities in a memorandum addressed to Miksa Domonkos. A copy of this memorandum is on file in RG-52.

Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p.

Dr. Gyorgy Wilhelm, Section T of the International Red Cross

Braham 1981:

“Labor servicemen were involved in other forms of resistance as well. A unit of 25 men from Company No. 101/359, the so-called Clothes-Collecting Company (Ruhagyujto Munkasszazad), for example, provided special services to the persecuted Jews. Known as Section T of the International Red Cross, this unit, led by Dr. Gyorgy Wilhelm, the son of Karoly Wilhelm, engaged in many heroic rescue operations. The men of this unit, including Istvan Bekeffi, Istvan Komlos, Istvan Radi, and Adorjan Stella, rescued Jews from the death marches to Hegyeshalom and supplied the food made available by the International Red Cross to the children’ s homes and the ghetto. Ironically, they too had to be rescued on November 29, when they were scheduled for entrainment and deportation. This was achieved through the efforts of a rescue group headed by Sandor Gyorgy Ujvary, a journalist of Jewish background, who was associated with the International Red Cross and the Papal Nuncio. 246 The rescue activities of Section T, like those of the Ujvary group, paralleled those undertaken by the Halutzim.’’

Levai 1948 p. 95:

“The requisitioning committees were constituted on the following morning. 55 representatives of the Jewish Council went to the Town Hall, where three representatives of the Municipality were attached to each committee. At 4.30 p. m, that afternoon, the head of · the Hungarian Gestapo stated that some of the keys of the 500 apartments had not yet been handed in. One of his deputies then went to the headquarters of the Jewish Council and, after blackguarding and threatening the members, took two of them with him to Gestapo Headquarters. At noon on the following day Dr. Kahan-Frankl and Dr. Karoly Wilhelm were released with the warning that "they had been let off lightly this time. If such a thing were to occur again, the consequences would be serious indeed". Apart from that, a further 500 apartments had to be vacated as a result of the air-raid of the previous night. Thus requisitioning was continued. (In the end, the representatives of the Council handed in the keys of over 2,500 apartments - 80 per cent of which were never used! Dr. Emerich Reiner, the legal adviser to the central Orthodox administration, was even able to satisfy the Gestapo simply by handing over the keys, The majority of the apartments had two keys anyway, or otherwise two entrances. One of the keys was surrendered; in very many cases there was no time left for the evacuation of the apartments.)’’

Levai 1948 p. 387:

“They very cleverly settled down in 16, Bencsur Street and from here set out to accomplish their task. In a short time they had wormed their way into the "Refugees' Office" in the Vigado and so found an opportunity of providing the hiding refugees with all sorts of legitimations and billets. This group, under the leadership of Dr. Gyorgy Wilhelm, Dr. Miklos Kadar and Adorjan Stella, continued its philanthropic activity for months after the liberation.”

[Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), p. 1318, Lévai, Jenö. Grey Book on the Rescuing of Hungarian Jews. Budapest: Officina, 1946, Lévai, Jenö. Black Book on the Martyrdom of Hungarian Jewry. (Central European Times Publishing, 1948 p. 387.